Bureaucracy | আমলাতন্ত্র

At the time of writing this, nine Chief Ministers have already opposed the Prime Minister’s proposal to amend Rule 6 of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) Cadre Rules of 1954. More states are likely to join the chorus of protest, thereby triggering a fresh round of Centre-state bitterness.

রাজ্যের সদ্য অবসর নেওয়া মুখ্যসচিব আলাপন বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়কে ‘শো-কজ়’ (কারণ দর্শানোর) নোটিস পাঠিয়েছে কেন্দ্র। তাতে সই কেন্দ্রীয় স্বরাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রকের আন্ডার সেক্রেটারির। কিন্তু বলতেই হচ্ছে, ওই চিঠির খসড়া যথেষ্ট ‘দুর্বল’। ২০০৫ সালের বিপর্যয় মোকাবিলা আইনের ৫১ নম্বর ধারায় তা পাঠানো হয়েছে। তারিখ ৩১মে, যাতে বোঝা যায় যে, আলাপনের অবসরের আগেই তা তাঁকে পাঠানো হয়েছিল।

Some 46 years ago, I left a blue chip company to join the IAS and while many of my colleagues there retired with tens of crores of rupees, some in hundreds as well, my savings and investments at the end of almost 42 years are too embarrassingly small to mention. Be that as it may, the experience that I picked up is worth millions, as is the feeling, however misplaced, that one has served the nation — in spite of odds. The India of today is, however, dramatically different from what it was four decades ago and it feels good to think that we have contributed to many of the changes.

There is nothing really amiss if a singer insists on bringing his own musicians, as they understand him rather well. But then, when he has pole-vaulted himself to the most critical position of deciding the fate of 130 crore souls, there is cause for alarm at such an infantile insistence. The administration of this vast, complex country requires real professional skills and not just agreeability or the carrying out of commands.

If John Kenneth Galbraith’s description of India as a “functioning anarchy” held, we should have collapsed before the coronavirus by now. Instead, it is Galbraith’s country and other developed and largely homogeneous nations in the West that appear to be blundering through unprecedented losses of precious lives. India’s less erratic handling of the crisis can perhaps be traced to its legacy of a colonial administration that was designed to pull through an impossibly problematic and chaotic country. Resources were always woefully short and despite chronic slackness in speed and response, the ‘steel frame’ of bureaucracy managed to deliver.

অনেকেই মনে করেন দিল্লীর সদ্য সমাপ্ত সাম্প্রদায়িক দাঙ্গা যাতে পঞ্চাশ জনের মৃত্যু হয়েছে এই সরকারের চরম অকৃতকার্যতার এক নিদর্শন। কিন্তু এই ধারণা বোধহয় ঠিক নয়। এটা আসলে তাদের সুচিন্তিত পরিকল্পনার জয় এবং বিশেষজ্ঞরা চেষ্টা করছে বুঝতে শাসক দল আমাদের কি বার্তা পৌঁছতে চেয়েছে এই দুর্ভাগ্যজনক ঘটনার মাধ্যম। নরেন্দ্র মোদী এবং অমিত শাহ সর্বপ্রথম আমাদের স্পষ্ট করে দেখিয়েছেন যে তাঁরা ভারতের মুসলমানদের কি ভাবে নির্বিকারে পুলিশের সামনেই সাফ করে দিতে পারেন। কেউ তাদের রুখতে পারবে না।

What ails the Indian Administrative Service? This is precisely the question that has been raised in the book by N.C. Saxena, a role-model IAS officer who helped stop Vedanta’s mining project from decimating Odisha’s forests and tribal habitats. A prominent member of the almost extinct breed of scholar-administrators, Saxena also asks ‘why it [IAS] fails to deliver’ and tries to address, as honestly as possible, the issues that most bureaucrats would either deny or avoid.

By opting and qualifying for the civil service implies the voluntary acceptance of certain restrictions and a rather harsh discipline — the crux of which is to internalise pain without demur. What is less known is that the job also entails facing the raw heat of democracy’s raging furnace — elected representatives with a pre-set agenda. While appreciating the compulsions of political bosses to override the often-mindless worship of rules by babus, one cannot deny the fact that officials have learnt to live with reprimands, tantrums and worse.

Most people outside Delhi may have forgotten that the chief secretary of this small but highly-publicised state, Anshu Prakash, was assaulted by two MLAs of the Aam Aadmi Party in the presence of Arvind Kejriwal, the chief minister in the residence of the CM. Some could not care less and those who believed the CM’s version must have felt that lessons like these are required to teach the high and mighty bureaucrats to be more responsive to the people’s needs. But the IAS officers and other civil servants have not forgotten the ugly incident and their State and Central associations have condemned Kejriwal and his party in no uncertain terms.

সম্প্রতি দিল্লিতে রাজ্য বিধানসভার দু’জন সদস্য মুখ্যমন্ত্রী অরবিন্দ কেজরীবালের উপস্থিতিতে রাজ্যের মুখ্যসচিবকে নিগ্রহ করেছেন। এই ঘটনার জেরে ওই দুই বিধায়ককে গ্রেফতার করা হয়েছে। রাজ্য প্রশাসনের মুখ্য আধিকারিককে নিগ্রহ করার স্পর্ধা সত্যিই অভূতপূর্ব। ভারতীয় দণ্ডবিধির ৩৫১ নম্বর ধারা অনুযায়ী এটি একটি ফৌজদারি অপরাধ। কোনও সরকারি অফিসারকে হুমকি দেওয়া বা এমনকী ঠেলে দেওয়াও এই ধারায় অপরাধ।

There is no point in denying that the Indian bureaucracy is one of the worst in the world and is widely notorious for its labyrinthine rules and genetic negativity. India is also among the most corrupt nations; surely a large part of the bureaucracy must have either connived in it or abdicated its tasks. On the Corruption Perceptions Index, India's rank is 79th, which is rather shameful, while, where 'the ease of doing business' is concerned, we have moved just a couple of notches but are still below 129 other nations.