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Voters in Bengal feel quite amused when told that the next assembly elections are all done and dusted. But it is rather distressing to see how personal biases or received wisdom (tonnes of which is freely offloaded in the national capital) masquerading as profound political analysis. Despite what poll surveys tell us, a very tough battle lies ahead, not only for Mamata Banerjee but also for the liberal principles and secular ideologies that the people of the state have prided in.
One of the reasons why secularism is floundering in India today is that we hardly know or care to know the other’s religion, festivals and culture, beyond just a few essentials and stereotypes. We are, of course, happy to enjoy an extra holiday on the important festival days of another religion, but there has never been any conscious attempt to empathise and bond with them — except of course, the very showily political Iftar meals.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent criticism of the IAS and the bureaucracy, two distinct entities, must have pleased many. In the central bureaucracy of 33 lakh, the IAS accounts for less than 500 or just 0.015%. Similarly, while state governments cumulatively employ some 2 crore bureaucrats, IAS officers are only around 5,000—just too minuscule a fraction.
Recent media reports note that the Supreme Court has observed that the new OTT (over the top technology) rules have no teeth, going on to add that some platforms even show pornography in the absence of effective oversight.
On August 8, 1969, I was thrilled as I entered the portals of modern India’s oldest college and the fountainhead of the great Indian awakening, Presidency College, Calcutta. A bright red flag fluttered atop the college from the pole that had hosted the national flag. Handwritten posters were plastered all over the walls, proclaiming the arrival of the Indian revolution. There were also bold stencil portraits of Chairman Mao on the college walls though the most oversized, overawing one was in the canteen.
With 53% of India’s 100 crore people older than 14 years using WhatsApp, a totally encrypted platform, it was only a matter of time before government stepped in to try to find out what on earth is going on. The numbers are staggering: 45 crore people watch YouTube while 41 are on Facebook. Even so, few were prepared for the avalanche of instructions that tumbled out on February 25.
Civilisational studies are quite complex as each one is quite unique or else it would not qualify for the term. Basically, cultures represent natural responses of a people to the requirements of their ecosystem, both organic and inorganic. In India, for instance, we really do not wish “good morning” and “good evening”, except to a Westernised clientele or (in recent times) to colleagues.
“India was saddened by the insult to the tricolour on Republic Day” stated Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a few days ago. He was referring, obviously, to the mayhem that broke out when farmers, their friends and enemies, streamed into Delhi on January 26.
What the British found quite disgusting during their long uninvited stay in India was that Indians defecated in open fields, squatting. The Western world picked up and echoed this narrative and these toilet practices were painted as decisively inferior. A massive Swachh Bharat mission has now been launched on a war footing and by this year its target is to make India free of this archaic custom of open defecation—which has to go, as it is anachronistic.
A personal sense of betrayal has overtaken some of us who spent so much time and energy to assist the broadcasting industry in setting up what was perceived to be the state-of-the-art technology of television viewership- measurement. One should have realised though that the finest of systems can always be sabotaged.
It has surely been quite a different Republic Day this time, and its unfortunate events will not fade as easily as the details of more spectacular performances on Rajpath. Not only because of the unexpected action that took place way beyond the agreed venues. But with the internet down, or certainly not at its best, and real-time coverage tapering off, one is not certain what exactly happened in Delhi from 2 pm onward.
Preface to a collection of selected essays on Buddha and Buddhist philosophy published on the ocassion of 125 years (1892-2017) celebration of Bauddha Dharmankur Sabha (Bengal Buddhist Association) edited by Hemendu Bikash Chowdhury.
After the unending months of 2020, we now feel a bit relieved as we assume, with or without basis, that the worst may be over. As we click the pause button, it may be appropriate to attempt an interim appraisal of the effects and the devastation caused by a microscopic mass-murdering virus.
We know that as soon as the clock strikes midnight on the 31st of December, we step on a brand new year — with a bang and a lot of hope. But, strangely, we never stop to ask why do we celebrate this particular date and time? Why not, say, the first of March or the 25th of March or even on the 25th of December? This is, incidentally, not idle prattle, for all these dates have had the historic honour of actually being observed as ‘New Year’s Day’. Yes. So let’s get into the story of how we went past all these dates to arrive at the first of January.
Irvin and Sunquist have mentioned in their very well-researched book, History of the World Christian Movement that “prior to the year 300 AD there had been no consensus among Christians concerning the date on which to celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ. Some argued for a spring date, but others suggested December 25...the day celebrated in honour of the ‘Invincible Sun’. Most Christians came to accept December 25, as the birthday of Jesus, integrating thereby elements of the solar monotheism of Solstice and Roman festival of Saturnalia with Christianity”.
When the suave Arun Jaitley introduced his electoral bonds scheme in 2017, few could understand then that it was a very smart sleight of hand operation that legitimised funding of political parties even by suspiciously anonymous donors. By April 2019, the ruling party had bagged 95% of these very opaque funds, but we may never know what quid pro quos were given to the benefactors.
To appreciate a meteoric writer like Michael Madhusudan Dutt and estimate his contribution to Indian literature and culture, we need to first take him from the confines of Bengal, where he is stuck, quite unwittingly. In his home ‘province’, he is remembered forever for introducing lasting innovations that enriched a language that was struggling to move out of its archaic mould.
In the 1880s, John Robert Seeley pompously announced that “India is ... only a geographical expression and does not make the territory of a nation” while John Strachey declared with equal contempt that “there never was an India… no Indian nation, no people of India”. Like other British imperialist commentators, they were both obviously underestimating the inner strength of a civilisation that had arisen over millennia of coexistence, compromise and consensus.
Eyes popped open when the Chief Justice of India (CJI) pulled up the government twice, on October 8 and November 17, for its faulty affidavits in the Tablighi Jamaat case. The court was visibly annoyed that the government was not responding clearly about its steps to control communally provocative media. Television viewers saw how viciously the Tablighi’s congregation in Nizamuddin in March was held responsible for spreading the coronavirus everywhere.
I never imagined that I would be writing an obituary for someone so full of life as Soumitra Chatterjee. Those who were lucky enough to know him at reasonably close quarters, which is quite a large number, it would really take a long time to accept that he is no more. Rarely has one come across an all-round cultural personality with absolutely no airs. He was in life as he appeared (and will always appear) in his films.