Politics

Those who are wondering what happened on February 26 at Balakot and how an Indian air force pilot fell captive soon after may recall the game of kabaddi. It is the only indigenous game of India and Pakistan that remained alive in spite of the takeover by colonial sports like cricket, football, hockey, tennis or badminton. Not only did it survive, but it also staged a remarkable comeback. Both Indians and Pakistanis enjoy that surge of adrenaline every time ‘their raider’ sneaks into enemy territory and ‘tags’ or knocks out one or more targets — even as the entire opposing team tries its best to grab the raider and pin him down.

On December 30, last year, we were treated to the most unusual spectacle of the Prime Minister of India sitting on the floor or a cell of a jail, his legs crossed over each other, and his palms joined in prayer.

He was, however, not praying to God — he was actually worshipping his guru, Veer Damodar Savarkar, who had once been imprisoned in this cell and his eyes were transfixed on his portrait that was propped up a few feet away.

Public administration, as distinct from political governance, has its own problems. For political programmes have a way of boomeranging on the government of the day. Sometimes, they can be anticipated, on other occasions, they are intended to provoke and occasionally, they just create a mess: a recent example is the ugly fallout of Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath's complete ban on cow slaughter in Uttar Pradesh that might have been avoided with some planning, patience and a sense of perspective.

প্রধানমন্ত্রীর দৃষ্টি নিবদ্ধ ছিল কয়েক ফুট দূরত্বে রাখা সাভারকরের ছবির ওপর। ‘হিন্দুত্ব’-এর ধারণাটির স্রষ্টা সাভারকর এই মতবাদের জনক হিসাবে স্বীকৃত। তিনি প্রজন্মের পর প্রজন্মকে এক হিন্দু ভারতের স্বপ্ন দেখতে এবং তার জন্য দাবি জানাতে উদ্বুদ্ধ করেছিলেন। যে কারাগার পরিদর্শনে মোদী গিয়েছিলেন, সেটি হল আন্দামানের সেলুলার জেল। ভয়ঙ্কর ‘কালা পানি’র কথা ভারত কখনও ভুলতে পারবে না।

The recent election results in the three Hindi belt states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have proved that Narendra Modi is certainly not as invincible as he was being made out to be. But they have also proved that voters are split right down the middle, as the difference in the total votes secured by the two major parties, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, is literally hair-thin.

Despite the Rs 2900 crore, 182 metre statue of Patel dedicated to India’s unity, not a week passes when the nation is not split down the middle, quite bitterly. Sometimes, it is the lynching of Muslims or Aadhar’s intrusion into our privacy, ‘triple talaq’ or the national flag. The battle of Sabarimala is the latest on the list of rows.

The extensive media coverage notwithstanding, most people may be unaware of the issues central to the Sabarimala controversy.

When the former prime minister, who is known for his strict economy with words, writes a long letter – one of his rare ones – to his rather over-articulate successor, one assumes that the matter must be important. The letter I refer to is dated August 24, 2018, in which Manmohan Singh expresses deep concern at the move, initiated obviously at Narendra Modi’s behest, to change the character of the Nehru Museum Memorial and Library (NMML) from a memorial to Jawaharlal Nehru to one for “all PMs”.

Fate, they say, leads a man to glory but hubris undoes what destiny confers. It is expected of those who are catapulted to the highest posts or even those who propel themselves to reach such historic heights to accept certain obligations. Among these, the most important is to conduct themselves in a manner befitting the post. If they cannot enhance its dignity, they are duty-bound not to devalue it. India has been lucky in this regard as every prime minister, except one, has acted his or her role in the manner expected – even when their personal inclinations appear to dictate otherwise.

Ideological issues that drive regional parties are, by now, fairly well-known to those who may otherwise have little interest in either these causes or in the parties. The two DMKs in Tamil Nadu espouse Dravidian interests over ‘upper-caste hegemony’, the Shiv Sena cries for local Maharashtrians, the Asom Gana Parishad agitates for the true Assamese, the Akalis for Sikh interests, Mayawati for the Dalits and so on. But what exactly does the Trinamool Congress (TMC) stand for and how does it grow from strength to strength?

কথায় বলে, ভাগ্য মানুষকে গৌরবের পথে নিয়ে যায়, কিন্তু নিয়তি যা দেয় অহঙ্কার তাকে নষ্ট করে। খুব উচ্চ পদে আসীন মানুষদের কাছে মানুষ আশা করে যে তাঁরা কিছু দায়িত্ব স্বীকার করবেন। সব চেয়ে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ দায়িত্বটি হল, তাঁরা আপন পদটির উপযুক্ত আচরণ করবেন। পদমর্যাদা তাঁরা যদি বাড়াতে না-ও পারেন, পদটির যাতে অবমাননা না হয়, সেটা নিশ্চিত করা তাঁদের কর্তব্য। ভারত এ ব্যাপারে বিশেষ ভাগ্যবান— এক জন ছাড়া সব প্রধানমন্ত্রীই তাঁদের পদের যোগ্য এবং প্রত্যাশিত আচরণই করে গিয়েছেন, এমনকি তাঁদের ব্যক্তিগত মতামতের বিরুদ্ধে গিয়েও।

সম্প্রতি পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী একটি সভায় বক্তৃতা দিতে গিয়ে অগণিত দেবদেবীর নাম বলে গেলেন। ব্যাপারটা বিশেষ ভাবে চোখে পড়ল। দুর্গাপুজো আসছে, তাঁর সরকারের মন্ত্রী ও দলের নেতারা উল্টোরথের দিন খুঁটিপুজো নিয়ে দারুণ মেতে উঠলেন, সেটাও চোখে পড়ল। তবে ঘটনা হচ্ছে, বাংলায় এখন পুজো আর উৎসবের শেষ নেই। শীতলা, মনসা, রক্ষাকালী, ধর্মঠাকুর, বড়ঠাকুর এবং আরও অনেক দেবদেবী এ কালে গ্রাম থেকে শহরে অভিবাসী হয়েছেন, অনেকটা বিভূতিভূষণ বা সত্যজিতের অপুর মতো।

In 2014, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office he could have—and should have—pushed through urgently required structural reforms to improve India’s conservative bureaucracy. He had an unprecedented mandate and had charmed voters into believing that he would cleanse Indian governance as none before him ever had.  In reality, however, he appeared quite comfortable with the creaky bureaucratic apparatus that he had inherited, for he had assumed that his first-hand experience in running it at the State level for over a dozen years would suffice.

যাদবপুরের কলা বিভাগ ইতিমধ্যেই প্রেসিডেন্সিকে ছাড়িয়ে গিয়েছে, তবে এখনও তার ছায়া যাদবপুরের লিলিপুলে ঘোরাফেরা করে বলেই মনে হয়। এক দিকে আধিপত্যকামী সরকারি কর্তারা এবং অন্য দিকে বিদ্রোহী ছাত্র ও একগুঁয়ে শিক্ষক— এই দুই তরফের মাঝখানে পড়ে বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় কর্তৃপক্ষ হাঁসফাঁস করছেন। শোনা যায়, মাঝে মাঝেই নাকি তাঁদের ভর্ৎসনা করা হয়, কেন তাঁরা ‘প্রেসিডেন্সি মডেল’টি চালু করতে পারছেন না।

Jadavpur University is now surely a metaphor for both excellence and unrest that once characterised Presidency, more as a college than as a university, though it is sad to see how its present rulers are so ill at ease with the first and have steamrollered the other. History tells us that academic excellence and perpetual discontent have strange links, both licit and illicit, and also that the teaching community bristles at commands — real or imagined.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has mastered the art of utilising insecurity as an instrument of his state policy and needs to demonstrate this at frequent intervals. Or else, when he has better things to do — and rather quickly, as time is running out — he has decided to rattle the complacent and over-secure babudom of New Delhi. That may explain his intention to recruit 10 new “professionals” — the definition of “professionals” has been kept delightfully vague — for lateral entry as joint secretaries in the Central government.

Now that Pranab Mukherjee's controversial visit to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh headquarters at Nagpur is over, we may do well to focus on the best takeaways from this risky gambit. He underlined again the unique position he commands in Indian politics. No one else could ever have swung it and all criticism only magnified the event. Statesmen rise above politicians by skilfully converting events of their choice into landmarks in political history - to magnify the message they seek to convey.

A severe existentialist crisis is presently tormenting the fish-loving and (later) meat-gorging Bengalis — and many are seriously looking at the vegetarian option. A tragedy of epic proportions has visited everyone, rich and poor, Hindu or Muslim, just when the Registrar General of Census declared that Bengalis are the most non-vegetarian people in India. In all, 98.55% of them eat meat and fish, while at the other end, only 25% of Rajasthanis touch non-vegetarian food.

What amaze every liberal in India and abroad are Narendra Modi’s unending and brazen attempts to centralise all power and decision making in a federal, democratic setup. To achieve this, he has been systematically weakening or subverting every national institution that has flowered and flourished in Independent India. Their autonomous and professional functioning apparently stand in his path towards an unabashed one-man rule.

By opting and qualifying for the civil service implies the voluntary acceptance of certain restrictions and a rather harsh discipline — the crux of which is to internalise pain without demur. What is less known is that the job also entails facing the raw heat of democracy’s raging furnace — elected representatives with a pre-set agenda. While appreciating the compulsions of political bosses to override the often-mindless worship of rules by babus, one cannot deny the fact that officials have learnt to live with reprimands, tantrums and worse.

When a retired DG of Police feels that 49 retired IAS, IPS and Central Service officers have over-reacted to the Kathua rape case — of an innocent Muslim girl of just eight years — clarifications are inescapable. We refer to an Op-ed article in the Indian Express on May 12, 2108: A Case of Selective Outrage. Comparisons of the heinousness of crimes are messy and subjective, but if we look for defining moments in India’s media history in recent memory, one could break down to two, straightaway — Nirbhaya’s rape on December 16, 2012 and Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement.